More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave

by Ruth Schwartz Cowan

Modified by Alexandra Thrall & Paige Arnell

Chapter 2: Housewifery: Household Work and Household Tools Under Pre-Industrial Conditions

Housewifery (the job of being a housewife) has a long history. Although many of the jobs that are associated with housewifery – like cooking, washing clothes, mending or making clothes, and nursing children – have been women’s work through much of human history, it was only in the thirteenth century that the English word “housewife” came into existence. Housewives were married to “husbands”. The word “husband” comes from two compound words: “hus” and “band”. “Hus” is the older spelling of the word “house”, and “band” denotes being bonded. In other words, the word “husband” comes from the idea that the man in a marriage is bonded to the house. Therefore, as their names suggest, the status of both husbands and housewives was intimately connected to their home and its surrounding land. In the case of the man, that status came from owning or renting it, and for the woman, it came from being married to the man. A family’s economic success came from the hard labor that both the husband and the housewife had to complete together to make the household productive. 

In the nineteenth century industrialization began in England and the United States. One of the biggest effects of industrialization was that people, usually men, started to work outside of the house. Before this change, the word “housework” did not exist, probably because it would not have made any sense. Most of the work that men and women did prior to industrialization was housework. However, as men began working out of the house, people began to distinguish between “work” and “home”, and associate “work” with men, and “home” with women. As this distinction developed, it formed into a set of ideas called the “doctrine of separate spheres”: the belief that men’s “sphere” was the workplace or the public, and women’s “sphere” was the home or the private. This is when the word “housework” came into existence, to distinguish from “work” that was seen as naturally taking place out of the home.

Household Tools and Household Work 

To set the stage for the changes brought about by industrialization, in this section I will broadly describe the typical household tools and household work during the pre-industrial era. I will focus on how work was divided between men, women, and children, and how tools shaped that work. First, I will note that describing housework like cooking, cleaning, or laundering is incredibly difficult because of the immense diversity of women’s conditions and experiences. At different times and in different places women labored under widely different conditions. Some were rich, and others were poor; some lived in times of turmoil, and others in times of peace. Some had easy access to markets, and others were isolated on unpopulated frontiers; some had many children, others few; some were lazy, and others compulsive – the list could go on endlessly. Technological and supply systems differed from place to place; some economies were based on corn; others on wheat, tobacco, cotton, or mineral goods. Some households burned wood; some, coal; some, peat; some, dried sod; some, dried dung. Some people hauled their water from running brooks; some collected it in rain barrels; some pumped it from wells; and some purchased it from peddlers. Some people kept cows and were thereby able to make their own butter and cheese; some purchased theirs from neighbors or shopkeepers. Some women baked their own bread, others made their dough and brought it to a neighbor's oven for baking; some brought it to a bakeshop, others purchased theirs readymade. It is not easy to generalize about what it was like to be engaged in cooking, cleaning, and laundering under such vastly different conditions. 

In order to be able to describe household work and household tools given these vastly different circumstances, I looked for something that many people during the pre-industrial era may have in common. When reading the accounts of people traveling around the United States during this period, many of them mention eating some kind of “stew” -- meat and vegetables cooked, for a long time, in a liquid. Here, for example, is a traveler's account of the daily diet of wealthy Dutch families living in Albany, New York, in the 1750s, but it is fairly representative (give or take a different beverage, a different grain, or a different kind of meat and vegetables) of what one can read about people living a century before or a century after in places as diverse as Maine, Maryland, and Michigan: 

Their breakfast here in the country was as follows: they drank tea ... and with the tea they ate bread and butter and radishes .... They sometimes had small round cheeses (not especially fine tasting) on the table, which they cut into thin slices and spread upon the buttered bread .... At noon they had a regular meal, meat served with turnips and cabbage. In the evening they made a porridge of corn, poured it as customary into a dish, made a large hole in the center into which they poured fresh milk. . . . This was their supper nearly every evening. After that they would eat some meat left over from the noonday meal, or bread and butter with cheese. If any of the porridge remained from the evening, it was boiled with buttermilk in the morning ... and to this they added either syrup or sugar.  

Before the twentieth century, most people ate a diet that was extraordinarily repetitive. Conditions of weather, crop cycles, and transportation were such that, day in and day out, only a very few foods were available, although what was available might change with the season. The lengthy menus and eight-paragraph recipes that are sometimes trotted out as examples of cooking in the "good old days," are actually derived from documents left by people who were exceedingly rich, or they represent the stuff from which great feasts and celebrations were made. Ordinary people ate bread, cheese, butter, porridges, eggs, raw fruits and vegetables in season, preserved fruits and vegetables out of season (in the form, for example, of applesauce, jams, relishes, and pickles), all of it washed down by beer, cider, milk, tea, or coffee (rarely water as that was often undrinkable). When fresh meats were available, they were frequently roasted; otherwise, pork, lamb, and beef were either fried (as with bacon) or cooked for a long time in a liquid (in part to lessen the effects of whatever preservation process had been used). Conditions of household routine were such that the simplest forms of cooking had to be utilized most frequently; which is why "one-pot" dishes, like soup and stew, were most common. 

Whatever the regional differences might be, the technique of making stew remains essentially the same, and so this dish can serve as the focus for our investigation of the tools with which it would have been made – and the work processes shaped by the tools – at various periods of time. 

Note to Readers: This part will describe tools and work processes that you might not be familiar with! Don’t get caught up on vocabulary that you don’t know. Think instead about the work process as a whole. Ask yourself:

How many steps does it take to make the stew? 

Who does what part of the process? 

How easy or difficult does it sound? 

How many tools do you need? 

Where do the tools come from? 

What did the couple make and what did they buy?

Let us begin by imagining that this particular stew was being prepared in the home of a young childless couple living on a small farm in Connecticut in the middle of the eighteenth century, a farm that was as yet too small to require hired help in the fields or in the house, but was large enough to supply the basic needs of wife and husband. To butcher the animal from which the meat was to come, the husband would have used a set of knives made of wood and iron. This being Connecticut, the water to be used in preparation and cleaning would likely have come from a nearby stream and would have been carried to the house in a bucket made of wood. The housewife would have put the meat and water into a large iron kettle, and this kettle would have been suspended over the fireplace on an iron lugpole inserted into the mortar of the chimney (lacking a lugpole, the housewive could have used a trammel or a crane made of iron, standing on the floor of the hearth). 

Image of Colonial Era Open Hearth with Tools

Image of Colonial Era Open Hearth with Tools

The fuel for the fire would be hardwood logs, cut, hauled, chopped, and stacked by her husband. The fuel would sit on iron or brass andirons in a fireplace constructed either of bricks or local fieldstones; the likelihood is that her husband had constructed the fireplace himself. If the housewife had been following standard practice on these matters, the herbs and vegetables that were added to the stew would have come from a kitchen garden that she had planted and tended herself (although, when plowing in the spring, her husband might have turned over the soil if it was particularly wet and heavy). The grain that went into the stew for thickening might have been corn or wheat – and, unlike the herbs and vegetables, would have been the product of male, rather than female, labor. The husband would have supervised the growing of it as well as its subsequent processing; had it been corn, he would have husked it and scraped the kernels from the ear; if wheat, he would have supervised the cutting, threshing, and winnowing, although the housewife might have helped. If they had a hand mill (made of stone) for either form of grain, he would have pushed it or managed the draft animals doing the pushing; and if the grain was to be taken to a local water mill to be ground (which would have been the most likely choice in Connecticut in this period), he would have hauled it in a cart drawn by the same draft animals. Skimming and stirring were tasks that the housewife performed with wooden spoons; the spoons themselves had most likely been whittled by the husband during the previous winter when there was little work to be done in the fields. The salt (and other spices, had she had them) would have to have been purchased, as they could not have been made from locally available materials. Once made, the stew would have been served up in wooden trenchers (also whittled by hand), which then would have been wiped clean with a rag (which, at this date, would most likely have come from cloth imported from England, but which could also have been American homespun, although probably not made by this particular housewife, since the couple were too young to be able to afford either a loom or the time required for weaving). The last task remaining to the housewife would have been the cleaning of the kettle, accomplished with some water, perhaps some sand, a rag, and a brush that she had made herself, as its name implies, from branches and twigs. 

This brief scenario illustrates two important points. First, in most American homes prior to industrialization, cooking required the labor of people of both sexes. Cooking itself may have been defined as women's work, but cooking could not be done without prior preparation of tools and food, and a good deal of that prior preparation was, as it happens, defined as men's work. Second, in order for a family to acquire the household technologies needed for cooking (the fireplace, andirons, pots, and accessory implements), there must be some contact between the household and the market economy in which it was embedded. Even as simple a household as this one could not have been entirely self-sufficient. It needed some surplus of cash or goods to trade in order to purchase the tools or raw materials that were essential for subsistence. To put this more clearly, you cannot cook without a pot, and pots have to be purchased because only skilled artisans have the skills and tools for making them. Had I focused on any other meal of the day or on any of the other task included in the standard definitions of housewifery – cleaning, laundering, care of infants, care of the ill, manufacture of clothing – these two points would have remained valid generalizations. Butter making required that someone had cared for the cows (and, at least among several of the ethnic groups that first settled these shores, this was customarily men's work), and that someone had either made or purchased a churn. Breadmaking required that someone had cared for the wheat (men's work) as well as the barley (men's work) that was one of the ingredients of the beer (women's work) that yielded the yeast that caused the bread to rise. Men grew the flax that women eventually spun into linen, and also had to "brake" it (crushing the fibers in a special, exceedingly heavy instrument) before it could be spun. Women nursed and coddled infants; but men made the cradles and mowed the hay that, as straw, filled and refilled the tickings that the infants lay on. Women scrubbed floors, but men made the lye with which they did it. If the tools used in any of these tasks had been purchased, the household would have had to have something, whether cash or extra goods, to exchange for them; if not then the tools would have been made at home by men (with the possible exception of brooms used for sweeping and brushes for scrubbing), since working in wood and leather and metal was defined as men's work. If an eighteenth-century woman had attempted to live alone without a man (or without a good deal of cash to pay a man to do the male housework for her) she would have been likely to experience three things – all of which would seriously endanger her health and wellbeing. First, she would have to lower her standard of living. Second, she would have to do (male) tasks for which she had little training. And, third, she would have to work herself into a state of utter exhaustion. The same would be true of a man under the same circumstances had he tried to farm without the help of a woman. Small wonder that most people married and, once widowed, married again. Under the technological and economic conditions that prevailed before industrialization, survival at even a minimally comfortable standard of living required that each household contain adults (or at least grown children) of both sexes, and that each household have some minimal ability to participate in the market economy, at the very least so as to be able to buy and maintain its tools. 

Chapter 2 Questions

  1. What is the “doctrine of separate spheres”? Why did it form?

  2. How was housework divided between men and women? Why was it divided this way?